After the Baron

[Matt]

There seem to be two options for the kidnapping of the Baron - ambush or hot pursuit. Allow me to clarify some of the requirements.

Preamble

1. Sir Felkar is robbed by Mogger, Slakka, Jeremiz, and Evil Erol and then murdered and mutilated by person unknown between midnight and dawn. Sir Felkar is then stripped of his clothing and other items by the denizens of the alley.

2. The Baron discovers Felkar's absence sometime after dawn and sends Pix and Trelk to look for him. They find him in the company of two Agrikan Warriors of Mamaka about to be handed over to Boraga. They bring him back to the Bridgetower whereupon the Baron begins a frenzy of packing.

3. The Baron leaves the inn by mid-morning with his 'niece' and the guards in a cart with one horse. They proceed through the city, out the Arren Gate to the ostler's across from the arena. There they retrieve two more horses and proceed, taking a left at the Smoking Meken. (Bevan et al. stop at that point.)

Requirements for Ambush

1. Knowledge of the Baron's flight and timing. This would mean that they were aware of Sir Felkar's midnight jaunt, what it meant, that he would be robbed and/or killed, and how the Baron would react.

2. A force of men at arms suitable to overcome the aged Baron and his men.

3. A way to get the Baron wherever they were taking him.

Requirements for Hot Pursuit

1. Knowledge of the Baron's departure either through foreknowledge or having the inn observed.

2. A mounted force of men at arms fast enough to overtake or get in front of the Baron's party and of sufficient strength to overcome the aged Baron and his men.

3. A route which would not have not have been noticed by Bevan et al. (Not necessarily on purpose, but because Bevan did not see such a group.)

4. A way to get the Baron wherever they were taking him.

Postlude

While we're at it:

The Baron was left in the pillory, nude, throat slit, a penny in his mouth, and three mascles carved on his chest.

Sir Felkar was left in the street, clothed, throat slit, a penny in his mouth, and three mascles carved on his chest.

Pelisa was left on her bed, nude, raped, suffocated, a key in her mouth, pennies on her eyes, and three mascles carved on her chest.

[Imarë]

OK, phrasiology. Not subtle enough for him. The ending seems rather ham handed and without finesse. If Lord Morgan wished to send a message, he would have sent the message, not played around with this kind of subtlty.

As for the instance with the Lord Chamberlin, I did not believe he would, but I am not the one to tell you or anybody else what his motivations are therefore "unlikely".

On the horses, there seems to be only one route out of the city which would put them on the correct tract if they left in hot pursuit, out the Arren Gate and up the north road. I think we had covered the possiblility of Sir Blors getting to the other side of the city in our last meeting, the only way beside the city would be to go far around, which would take time. Same with the castle garrison, they would have to ride around the city to get to the gate to follow the Barron, and why would they do this? I do not see the VIII Legion involved in this (although with the dock they could row to a village nearby where horses may be kept in case of another emergency like the rebellion..., but once again, why would they?). Because we have not seen the Morgathians have armed might, that does not mean they do not. I am sure it is not hard to get a band together for raiding and pillaging here in the city (give Agrikans enough brew and they will do almost anything, but the clean up afterward does not seem like them). I believe that the tracks of the horses were off the road and behind the bushes. If the party were tracked and then attacked by a party from behind I would think the tracks of the horses would have been on the main road, not the thicket (although they might have been moved off the trail after the fight to prepare the graves etc). The Baron must have been either forced to ride a horse or draped over a saddle (a position which it would be hard to go through a city gate without being noticed, or he was taken to the coast where a boat came and took him to the city (since his body was found there I will assume he was taken there). If there is a connection between the two churches and the killing, it would make going through the gate much easier, they could open it at any time for whatever reason they wished. I believe that we decided that he was killed elsewhere, which could be out of the city and then moved in by boat if needed (or he could have been under the wharf...). Any thoughts on this?

All in all, I am still inclined to think that the Baron was caused to run. Someone knew what the actions involved would be and counted on them to spook the man. Whether or not it was the murder of Sir Felkar or the loss of the cash which caused it I have no idea. The subtle variations about the murders might mean more than one killer. We were told that Pelisa was violated around the time of death and I had neither the time nor inclanation to check the other two for this. The variation in number and type of coin is interesting. Have we heard the if the coins on Pelisas eyes were of one of the prior kingdoms? What about Sir Felkar. The coin for the Baron seemed specific and would have to be planned ahead for. The difference between the number of coins for the two cities and the placement (eyes vs. throat). I don't know if we had thought about the guard on Palisas building. He was murdered but was there evidence of a struggle or was the killing done quickly and quietly (like the stabbing of Slakka perhaps)? Am I right or wrong in thinking that the attack on Slakka was the same night as the Baron being put in the stocks or on a different one (I know Matt pointed it out but I don't remember what the outcome was and I do not have my notes here).

[Matt]

OK, phrasiology. Not subtle enough for him. The ending seems rather ham handed and without finesse. If Lord Morgan wished to send a message, he would have sent the message, not played around with this kind of subtlty.

He would be more than capable of this if it suited his purposes. Don't assume that some sort of 'message' would be involved. Which is not to say I'm implicating him, just that his ways are many, varied, and often inscrutable which you've seen at firsthand.

As for the instance with the Lord Chamberlin [GM: Chancellor], I did not believe he would, but I am not the one to tell you or anybody else what his motivations are therefore "unlikely".

That's why I phrased it so strongly. It would be inconceivable for the Chancellor to attempt to 'reverse' a Royal pardon. (And yes, that word means what I think it does! )

On the horses, there seems to be only one route out of the city which would put them on the correct tract if they left in hot pursuit, out the Arren Gate and up the north road.

Check the map when you have a chance. I believe you will find that once outside the Arren Gate, one could take the paved road which the Baron took, or go north near the East Haven and behind Trevorman. Those smaller roads connect with the main road further north off the map.

I think we had covered the possiblility of Sir Blors getting to the other side of the city in our last meeting, the only way beside the city would be to go far around, which would take time.

Almost certainly too much time for a pursuit option - he could only be ambush. Any pursuer would have to originate in the city or north of it based on the timing. Recall the Baron did dawdle a bit at the ostler retrieving his other horses - I believe we said something on the order of 15-20 minutes. Do note BTW, that none of the three horses the Baron had have been accounted for.

I believe that the tracks of the horses were off the road and behind the bushes. If the party were tracked and then attacked by a party from behind I would think the tracks of the horses would have been on the main road, not the thicket (although they might have been moved off the trail after the fight to prepare the graves etc).

There were tracks on the road, just harder to read as they were mingled with the road's traffic. The ones off the road were easier to read that's all.

The variation in number and type of coin is interesting. Have we heard the if the coins on Pelisas eyes were of one of the prior kingdoms? What about Sir Felkar?

Pelisa and Felkar both had current coinage. Too common to remark upon at the time.

The coin for the Baron seemed specific and would have to be planned ahead for.

May have been - not many of the older coins still around and hardly any circulating.

I don't know if we had thought about the guard on Palisas building. He was murdered but was there evidence of a struggle or was the killing done quickly and quietly (like the stabbing of Slakka perhaps)?

Yes, a quick dagger thrust to the eye in the case of the guard, to the gut in the case of Slakka. No evidence of a struggle in the former case. Not proof of anything, of course, daggers being as common as hens' beaks ...

Am I right or wrong in thinking that the attack on Slakka was the same night as the Baron being put in the stocks

Yes, it was the same night.

[Imarë]

Although you play Lord Morgan, Imare only knows what she has seen. His 'demonstrations' have not been subtle to her knowlege. That it was some kind of message to somebody is what I believe (otherwise why not kill him with his guards and niece or just dump his body in the canal or weigh it down and throw it in). Plus the history of the thing, having someone hired to play a song, killing a harper and carving mascles into her (after dispaching the guard on the first floor) only to move to Golotha, where a third and fourth murder take place along with stabbing somebody else etc etc. He saw Bevan after the course of events took place, he could have said or done whatever he wished about the song (or implanted it in her mind while it was being 'shellacked').


As for the stabbing, I assume it would need either skill or luck to get that kind of shot (unless the guard was asleep, which we assumed before). If the guard was awake, the skill of the wielder of the dagger against Slakka was great, something like the best he had seen (fastest?). This could be a similarity, something to be looked into at least (now where is that forensic expert with the gas chromatagraph when you need him). It is interesting that the Baron was placed near to the perfume shop on the same night that the breakin occured. We are starting to pile up coincidences here so I will jump to the conclusion that the dumper of the Baron (at the least) was the one in the house of Borana and he wanted to see the daughter for some reason (in my paranoid brain to put some thought into her head). Could the two be related? Was she supposed to see that a man in the stocks was dead but was unable to finish the job because of the intervention of Slakka roused the household? It would be interesting, the mascle killer having Ewens female lookalike find the body ot the Baron after either having him hired or hiring him in Coranan.

If the pursuit thought is true, the Agrikans are in a prime position to both see the Baron run and the escape route goes by the arena, where horses could conceivably be kept? Remember when we were watching the gate, the guards left the gate and went over the bridge to the square and appeared to be heading out of the city by the Arren gate. They could live outside the gate (plus, the arena would be a good place to keep somebody too, the cages are already there to keep animals and I am sure that it is not a quiet place, lots of screams and roars already. Is this a Roman type arena with fights between men to the death and executions and such or just animal/man/orc fights?).

[Matt]

If the pursuit thought is true, the Agrikans are in a prime position to both see the Baron run and the escape route goes by the arena, where horses could conceivably be kept?

Yes, lots of animal pens and stalls and what.

Remember when we were watching the gate, the guards left the gate and went over the bridge to the square and appeared to be heading out of the city by the Arren gate.

No, they appeared to be heading in that direction. The Agrikans patrol only within the city walls, not outside.

They could live outside the gate

For the above reason this is highly unlikely.

(plus, the arena would be a good place to keep somebody too, the cages are already there to keep animals and I am sure that it is not a quiet place, lots of screams and roars already. Is this a Roman type arena with fights between men to the death and executions and such or just animal/man/orc fights?).

It's basically the same as you saw in Coranan and all of the above spectacles take place. The arenas are run by a different order than the one that patrols the city. If the Baron were kept here, he would have had to be brought inside the city at some point either just before or just after he was killed.

[Bevan]

Bevan should probably search her memory as to whether or not she has had any dealings with either of these churches in the past or know of stories from her family of dealings.

I took a peek at my journal and no I have not had any dealings with either the Morgathians or the Agrikans. As far as I can tell neither have my family, being Laranians.

[Lord Ewen]

Likewise, I see nothing in Ewen's background indicating or suggesting either of these groups. On the other hand, it is becoming clear that what I don't know about my background is of greater interest...

[Lord Ewen]

He saw Bevan after the course of events took place, he could have said or done whatever he wished about the song (or implanted it in her mind while it was being 'shellacked').

Who are you referring to here, Dave? Not sure I followed this part...

[Matt]

He saw Bevan after the course of events took place, he could have said or done whatever he wished about the song (or implanted it in her mind while it was being 'shellacked').

Who are you referring to here, Dave? Not sure I followed this part...

Dave is referring to Morgan. Both of us are saying he didn't do it ...

[Imarë]

I was coming in through the back door that if Morgan wanted Bevan to do something, he had a much better way of going than the song and murders that have followed. It would also, with our current thoughts, put Rahel out of the running as we think she is a follower of Morgan. Additionally, since Sir Blors still has great repect for Arren I, he would not work against his heir, Arren II (my opinion here since we have found out what we have through Sir Baris). Although a scenario could be made where Sir Tovar (or his commander) would be doing this, the question would be why? They are in positions of power and some influence and I cannot see any way that they would be involved in this. Thus, to my mind, three of the main suspects/groups have been eliminated. Once all this has been done, that would leave, to our knowlege, the Morgathians and/or Agrikans. To a large extent they are not happy with royal government and would have no problem assailing anybody in power. The Baron, through his groveling for mercy, has put himself back on the other side. Who knows what else has happened during the rebellion and after the time we think that whatever the emnity in evidence occured. Why would they have brought in Ewen and Bevan however? I am still of the mind that somewhere there is a connection between whoever is doing this and Ewen and Bevan. Through Evil Erol we have also been given a Naveh connection, but this would be (according to rumor) the area of Lord Morgan, ruputedly deeply involved in this other church. I see no other connection here and cannot put it forward as a viable option, I just wanted to mention it (although the excesive secrecy might be a clue, from what Imare has heard that even where they are legal they do not advertise. They would also have no compunction about killing anybody. It is also interesting that Ewen was hired around the time that the original party was involved in the murder of Holo. What this would have to do with either Bevan or Ewen is beyond me however).

The fact that the Agrikans outside the city is of a different order than those that patrol the city may not be important. We have only had contact with Sir Z, it does not follow that this is the group that might be involved. Are we all coming down to the same basic premise, that the Morgathians (with their connection to the Lia Kavir through the Guildmaster) and the Agrikans (the right hands of the Morgathian) are the ones to concentrate on? The arena would be a logical place to hide the Baron but also underneath the North Haven Wharf, which, to date, has no redeeming qualities and anything can happen or be done down there. Are there any manors or farms in the vacinity of the attack where a witness might be? We should think about how to tie these all into our theory to either act ourselves (if we think the casualty rate would be accepthable) or to give to somebody else to follow through with. No one has answered about the possibility that the Baron of Queso might also be a target and perhaps a warning to somebody would be in order (and if so, what to do).

[Matt]

Once all this has been done, that would leave, to our knowlege, the Morgathians and/or Agrikans. To a large extent they are not happy with royal government and would have no problem assailing anybody in power.

Perhaps, although this supposition must take into account the fact that the Morgathians and the Agrikans appear to have paid virtually no price for their part in the rebellion.

The fact that the Agrikans outside the city is of a different order than those that patrol the city may not be important.

It might not, but I'm not sure you have enough information on the relationship between the various Agrikan orders to draw any meaningful conclusions yet.

Are there any manors or farms in the vicinity of the attack where a witness might be?

No, although that doesn't mean someone nearer to or in Trevorman didn't see something odd that day.

No one has answered about the possibility that the Baron of Quiso might also be a target and perhaps a warning to somebody would be in order (and if so, what to do).

Quiso is far to the north near Tormau Castle. Several days ride away at least. No indication that the Baron of Quiso has been in Golotha recently, although Sir Tovar might know if he had.

[Imarë]

To speak more plainly on the Baron of Quiso item: Should we tell about the Baron being on the slab at the embalmers? Maybe the two would have no connection, but if this is the plot we would then be well out of it (responsibility wise). Our mascles killer does not seem tied to one zip code or another (and with the subtle differences it could even be more than one killer).

The differnce in orders was the reason I used 'may' in my comments. For most (OK, all) of the people we suspect we don't have much information. We have supposition, mistrust and parnoid delusions to fuel or juggernaut!

Perhaps we should take some time to visit along the road to see if any mounted parties were observed that day (and what they looked like).

I am still puzzled here. If the M/A connection is the one which is finally the answer, why did they bring Bevan and Ewen into it? Or is the problem with the Baron still separate from the mascles? We know the man who stabbed Slakka was in the square the night the Baron was placed. Could he simply have come upon the scene by accident and took advantage of it (and earlier with Sir Felkar) or was this all in the futherance of the plot. We still have no concensus as to why the Baron had gathered so much money together and if Sir Felkar was delivering it or stealing it. To pay out that much money must put a serious dent in how the Baron planned to live this next year (I have not heard of the Thardic Express Platinum Card). As Matt indicated in an earlier post, there would be zero chance that the Lord Chancellor would try to go back a pardon given by the king. If this is so with such a powerful and well connectied noble, no other lesser noble or funtionary would do so either (thus letting out the Legion command and the connected Sheriffs). I don't believe that there is even a possibility that this is random chance. Bevans relatives who are knights, were they involved in any actions anywhere near Golotha in the wars? Were they involved in supressing the rebellion?

I am still interested in the beginning of a realm aspect. First, the song. The beinnings of the reigns of the Andasins (who was involved in the Theocracy of Tekhos, which caused the death of his father?). Golotha, where Arren of Melderyn began his dynasty. The tapastry of Rahel's which depicts the inception of this reign, disposing of the prior monarch. The coin of Chafin III in the mouth of the Baron. Of what importance is the death of Pelisa, why was the key jamed into her mouth but the others had coins and no keys. Any idea of her backround?

I assume that anyone but the most important of nobles would be in serious trouble if they were caught doing what has been going on (and perhaps not even they would be protected). This would make the possibility that this is somebody's idea of jollies remote (I hope). What would anybody have to gain from all this? This all seems to have taken planning and money to achieve which makes me think it is not trivial.

[Matt]

Bevans relatives who are knights, were they involved in any actions anywhere near Golotha in the wars? Were they involved in supressing the rebellion?

Bevan's relatives fought in the wars - to the extent that they did - only near Heroth. Sir Arlen fought during the rebellion for the King, but not in Golotha. He was present with his brother at the Battle of Retu.

Of what importance is the death of Pelisa, why was the key jamed into her mouth but the others had coins and no keys. Any idea of her backround?

Ewen knew little of her background, just that she was from a manor near Coranan and a member of the harper's guild with him.

[Lord Ewen]

I have read again the account of the Rebellion, and find at least one of my earlier questions answered in part:

After Sir Hadas took some of the Golotha garrison to the defense of Shostim, the remnants of the Agrikan fighting orders – many of whom had been in hiding – reentered the city, joined those already there, and with the help of forces loyal to the Earl of Tormau from Henwe, clashed with the legionnaires in the streets of the city. The hard-pressed legionnaires took refuge in Caer Chaftar where they were safe, but with less than 200 effectives.

I am assuming that Arren II's proclamation of religious freedom had been made early after his ascending the throne, but even so it appears that the Agrikans were operating covertly until the rebellion. Given their overt clashing with the VIII Legion in the city during the uprising, they were treated quite leniently by Arren II:

The Haleans were given back their seat as was the Agrikan Order of Mamaka, which had not, in theory, participated in the revolt.

An interesting position for the king to take, to say the least.

There is no mention of Quste or Quiso until the account of the aftermath, when they are pardoned. I presume that these two baronies were vassals of the Earl of Tormou, and thus fought with him.

My thoughts on Quiso stem from Cheryl's theory regarding Quste, that the Morgathians (or M/A alliance) were extorting money from him following his betrayal of their cause. The rebellion began in the month of Larane, and we were told by Pix that the Baron travelled to Golotha once per year. Perhaps the extortion money was to be paid on each anniversary of the failed rebellion. Furthermore, we have this interesting tidbit, again from the account of the rebellion:

The Earl of Tormau, seeing his numerical superiority would not help him as much in the narrowness of the neck, put his best knights in front, promising baronies to the ones that distinguished themselves best, and an earldom for the one that killed Arren, “the whelp of the murderer of good King Chafin.”

Thus, the Earl is equating the rebellion, at least in part, to lingering resentment of King Chafin's assassination. While this may well have been a method of rallying his Rethmi troopts, it also suggests, to my mind, the symbolic significance of the old Chafin III penny found in the Baron's gullet. I am not really suggesting going to warn Baron Quiso, but wondering whether he made annual sojourns to the city as well. If he does, I would imagine a limited number of places he would stay, the Bridgetower being suitably upscale, for instance.

Finally, regarding some other questions we have posed, we find this:

King Arren II returned to Golotha, and consulted with the Lady Marliese Tansel, the Laranian Bishop of Perinore and his Chancellor of the Exchequer, as well as the Earl of Daenshire who rode from Coranan. With the new Earl of Westmarch in agreement, the King rescinded his decree abolishing the Heptarchial Council and reinstated its ancient privileges. ... The Morgathians would be allowed their traditional privileges, but with a Royal constable in Caer Chaftar. The King appointed Sir Hadas to the post.

Thus the account has the Earl of Daenshire (Sir Auram's boss) consulted regarding the disposition of the city post-rebellion, but it is unclear from the wording whether the Earl of D's council was congruent with the Earl of Westmarch, whose point of view evidently won the day.

[Lord Ewen]

Regarding Dave's analysis of the "subtle differences" notable in the three mascles murders, I think we differ in our impressions upon reading the summary of these. I am struck more by the striking similarities rather than by the differences, which to my mind suggest the same murderer. After all, how perfectly identical would one reasonably expect three such acts to be, assuming the same person committed all three deeds? The differences noted may have had more to do with the circumstances of each crime, the gender of the victim, etc. Which would be congruent with Dave's larger theory, that seemingly disparate events are beginning to boil down into one complex plot of some sort.

[Imarë]

I was not thinking the subtle differences made it definite that there is more than one killer, or even a number acting in conjunction. At the time I was trying to imply that the differences might mean something, different pieces to a puzzle (all white at this point).

The Barons of Quste and Quiso are mentioned as being caught in the final battle, before their pardoning. Not that what they were doing was spelled out in great detail but I would assume that their support was more than just passive. At one time I had suggested that the money was for blackmail due to his acitvities but, as Matt pointed out, the pardon of the King would have cleared him of any activities before it was granted. I am still liking the idea that the rebellion, though crushed, might not be dead. Could there be somebody who is willing to rekindle it but needs money to do so? I am still struck by the last line of the song: 'rise up all you noblemen, take account of yor fortunes' turn. You of high renown, look to those cast down, and take heed of keen envy's burn'. Could this be referring to the rebellion? Would Sir Baris be familiar with how nobles are taxed? Could this have been an annual tax payment? One line in the song: 'A tribute due, to his subjects rue, form the lord of each hold and hill'. Does not answer why the money was moving at night, but it has been put forth that Sir Felkar might have been stealing it.

[Matt]

Would Sir Baris be familiar with how nobles are taxed? Could this have been an annual tax payment? One line in the song: 'A tribute due, to his subjects rue, form the lord of each hold and hill'. Does not answer why the money was moving at night, but it has been put forth that Sir Felkar might have been stealing it.

Taxation does not move at night.

Taxation of nobles only occurs for those who hold land from the Crown. To be sure, the Baron of Quste held such land, but his rendering unto Caesar would have taken a very different form.

In short - the Baron was not making a tax payment.

However, the song may yet have referred to an extraordinary tax.

[Imarë]

I thought the chances low that the money was tax, but it pays to be thorough. The concept of extraordinary tax has some interest but, as I indicated in the post, the concept of it being paid in the middle of the night makes me very suspicious. In addition, the only Royal officials in town (the VIII Legion in control of the castle) did not seem to be expecting anything otherwise I would think they would show more animation about what occured. I wonder what the Barons religous convictions were, this could have been a contribution to a temple or a payment to get back in after the unpleasantness. If it were known that he was paying this amount that would be an answer to who would have had information. If it is one of the churhes we are suspecting it would explain why he was scared when it was intercepted. We have all seen what happens when the Agrikans don't like you and I am sure the Morgathians are at least as bad. There is the connection between the guildmaster of the Lia Kavair and one of the more important Morgathians. We learned from Slakka that the guildmaster is the one who set the robbery up. Anybody think there is a possible link here? I am a little confused however. The Morgathians and the Agrikans came out of the rebellion better than when they entered it. There was no royal retribution over their involvement and the Heptarchial Council was reintroduced, placing both of these churches back in political power. Why would they rock the boat? Why would they wait years for retribution if that was the goal here? Are we talking intrafaith factions here? Once again, hooking it back up to Bevan and Ewen is difficult, there seems no connection between the issues. Could we be dealing with two groups which have combined to achieve both of their goals (punish the Baron and get Bevan and Ewen to do something)? Could this be a followers of Arren who got wind of something happening and bringing attention to it? I am sure Arren or his followers would have no compunction about dispatching a disloyal Baron and his family for whatever they see as their goal (nor a party of adventurers sticking their nose into their business, <gulp>). I still lean toward the Morgath/Agrik solution, they have the power and ability to do what has occured but do they have the inclanation?

[Matt]

I am assuming that Arren II's proclamation of religious freedom had been made early after his ascending the throne, but even so it appears that the Agrikans were operating covertly until the rebellion.

Yes, it was one of Arren II's first acts in 726. The Agrikans took some time to 'come back' as it were, but soon reestablished themselves in the Golothan tableau.

There is no mention of Quste or Quiso until the account of the aftermath, when they are pardoned. I presume that these two baronies were vassals of the Earl of Tormou, and thus fought with him.

That is correct. After their pardons, they became direct vassals of the King.

My thoughts on Quiso stem from Cheryl's theory regarding Quste, that the Morgathians (or M/A alliance) were extorting money from him following his betrayal of their cause. The rebellion began in the month of Larane, and we were told by Pix that the Baron travelled to Golotha once per year. Perhaps the extortion money was to be paid on each anniversary of the failed rebellion.

Dave seems to be approaching this idea as well, albeit from a different angle:

I wonder what the Barons religous convictions were, this could have been a contribution to a temple or a payment to get back in after the unpleasantness. If it were known that he was paying this amount that would be an answer to who would have had information. If it is one of the churhes we are suspecting it would explain why he was scared when it was intercepted. We have all seen what happens when the Agrikans don't like you and I am sure the Morgathians are at least as bad. There is the connection between the guildmaster of the Lia Kavair and one of the more important Morgathians. We learned from Slakka that the guildmaster is the one who set the robbery up. Anybody think there is a possible link here?

I am not really suggesting going to warn Baron Quiso, but wondering whether he made annual sojourns to the city as well. If he does, I would imagine a limited number of places he would stay, the Bridgetower being suitably upscale, for instance.

If Orsa does not know, Sir Tovar likely does.

Thus the account has the Earl of Daenshire (Sir Auram's boss) consulted regarding the disposition of the city post-rebellion, but it is unclear from the wording whether the Earl of D's council was congruent with the Earl of Westmarch, whose point of view evidently won the day.

I might point out that the Earl of Daenshire is also Sir Blors' boss, all sheriffs basically reporting to the Lord Chancellor.

[Imarë]

I also wanted to mention the action of the Baron before the murder of Sir Felkar. When we first met him, he was having fun and quite jovial. In fact, he called Sir Felkar off when he was overly protective. This hardly seems the attitude and actions of someone who was being blackmailed does it? Would you bring your 'niece' (aka girlfriend) somewhere that was going to be dangerous? He came to have a high old time, party and hang around with friends.

I don't know what the followers of religion do on Harn, but if they can be compared to real religion at the same period, the word tithe comes to mind. Did we decide that somewhere around £200 was around the amount that his estate would produce? Close to the £21.

I also wonder if some Morgathian processions are more important than others, he planned to be in town right around one of them. Could this timing be significant? Was the arrival of Sir Z and the boys at the Bridgetower the night after Sir Felkar was killed? Could they have been out partying because they had some involvement? Do we know how often they come in to the inn to party?

[Lord Ewen]

According to my notes, Ewen met the Agrikans for the first time in the Bridgetower on the 14th. Sir Felkar was murdered on the night of the 10/11th, with the Baron fleeing on the morning of the 11th.

[Imarë]

OK, that seems to let out a post hazing party for the frat boys. I believe we checked at the College of Heralds for the three mascles and if there were any guilds which used that sign. Did we ever go into the religious aspects of this? We have run into a lot of people and asked them but it might be a rare sign for one of them. Does anybody use any mascles that we know of in any amount? Any feedback from the GM about the parctice of tithing here on Harn (that we would know about, we have some religious people in the group, they may have some idea).

[Matt]

I believe we checked at the College of Heralds for the three mascles and if there were any guilds which used that sign. Did we ever go into the religious aspects of this?

Theron's money was not ill-spent here. You did not limit your inquiry in any way. In short, the three mascle design is not a heraldic (or symbolic) device used by any knight, noble, guild, or religious order. It is an unknown sigil to the college of heralds in Coranan.

Does anybody use any mascles that we know of in any amount?

No.

Any feedback from the GM about the parctice of tithing here on Harn (that we would know about, we have some religious people in the group, they may have some idea).

Tithing is an Old Testament practice. However, you have noted generous donations to several temples. Generous often being defined by the size of the adherent's purse ...

[Imarë]

I have had two thoughts here. First, is any religion noted for its use of throat cutting as part of their theology? Second, do you think the fact that Palisa and the Baron were posed after their throats were cut and it seems Sir Felkar was not of any interest. If the man who did those killings killed the guard and attacked Slakka of what import is it that he did not slit their throats and use coins etc?

[Matt]

First, is any religion noted for its use of throat cutting as part of their theology?

Not really. It's a pretty common means of dispatch.

I'll leave the second item to the gallery ...